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列宁因梅毒死亡

列宁因梅毒死亡

苏共的缔造者列宁在其生命最后的十几年中被梅毒折磨,2005年的一项回顾诊断证实了这一流传很久的民间说法。

在2005年6月的《欧洲神经学学报》(The European Journal of Neurology)上,三位以色列医师参考历史资料,得出了这一可能诊断。

研究显示列宁在领导1917年的十月革命之前,就在欧洲被感染了这一性病。在红色政权建立不久,梅毒就开始占了上风,并终于在1924年要了他的命。

这些历史资料包括列宁在欧洲和苏联的治疗医生的记载、列宁同志的健康状况材料及被研究者称为“政治宣传”的验尸报告。

研究者之一的精神病医生勒纳(Vladimir Lerner)对纽约时报记者说:“如果你消去列宁的名字,而把其症状拿给任何一位精通传染病的神经学家看,他会说:‘梅毒’。”

列宁于1924年1月21日18时50分死亡,年53岁。官方宣布的死因是脑动脉血管硬化、脑瘤爆裂。

列宁曾遭暗杀,子弹留在他的颈部,当时的医疗条件无法安全取走子弹。1922年 5月,列宁第一次中风,右侧部份瘫痪。同年12月第二次发生中风后,不得不停止了所有的公开活动。1923年3月,第三次中风后,直到死亡一直卧床不起,也不能说话。

苏联崩溃后,公开的文献表明,早在1895年医生就建议列宁治疗梅毒。文献提及主管尸体解剖的病理学家Alexei Abrikosov,受命证实列宁并非死于梅毒。Abrikosov 在尸体检验中没有提到梅毒,但是血管损害、瘫痪和无力都是典型的梅毒症状。1923年,列宁的医生给他使用了当时用于治疗梅毒的六零六和碘化钾。

共产革命史上的“共妻”现象

随着90年代苏联的解体和苏共档案的公开,人们才了解到被掩盖了大半个世纪的一些苏共领袖们私生活秘密和共产革命历史上确实存在的“共妻”现象。十月革命时期践踏性道德的行为比比皆是,两性关系的基本规范荡然无存。

1990 年第10期俄国《祖国》杂志对俄共初期的共妻现象曾有全面揭露:在布尔甚维克控制的地区,有“公有化”资产阶级妇女的行为。1918年3月,叶卡捷琳娜堡公有化妇女的行为达到登峰造极的程度。当地布尔甚维克组织在苏维埃消息报公布命令并在大街上张贴:“16至25岁的妇女必须接受公有化。革命者如果需要行使这个命令给予的权利,可向相应的革命机关说明。”在城市公园的一次围猎行动中,四个姑娘当场就被强奸,有25个被送往波罗斯登的司令部,另有一些被送往布尔甚维克占据的旅店,悉数被强奸。一些女孩的命运很悲惨,她们被折磨后被杀害,尸体扔进河里。一个5年级(小学)的女生连续12个昼夜被红军轮奸,然后被绑在树上,用火折磨,最终被枪杀。

曾有报导说,当时中学生卖淫现象严重,世界著名社会学家沙乐金在1920年写道:共青团在少年的卖淫事业中起了极大的作用,在俱乐部招牌下,每一个学校都设立了卖淫场所。对位于圣彼得堡附近沙皇村两所中学所作的调查发现,所有的孩子都有性病。少女参与色情商业交易,介入了有权势革命者的私生活。

从共产运动的发展史来看,列宁因染性病去世不足为奇,他的导师马克思亦为同一货色,强迫女家佣为性奴隶,最后产下私生子。

(网上转载)
中国当时还好些,红军纪律性挺强的,听老一辈讲是解放以后文化大revolution时QJ资产阶级妇女现象才多起来
天,从小就在各种读物上看到了马克思与妻子燕妮的爱情故事n多,没想到真相这么丑恶
哼哼哼。。。这个早就听说过。。。要不怎么说共产共妻呢。。。
平生不佩剑,白衣漫处游。
一朝天地改,只身上青丘。
哦?真的假的?把2005年6月的《欧洲神经学学报》那片文章的链接发过来瞧瞧。
据俄罗斯《共青团真理报》2008年1月17日报道,1924年1月21日,世界无产阶级的领袖列宁与世长辞。有关列宁的确切死因,长期以来一直是各方猜测的话题。医学专家在解剖并仔细分析列宁大脑时发现了什么?哲学副博士、畅销书《天才死后的诊断》的作者莫尼卡·斯皮瓦克,有幸接触过秘密档案文件,她帮助我们解开了这个谜团。   斯皮瓦克说,列宁54岁英年早逝以后,科学家就开始研究列宁的大脑。下面是健康人民委员尼古拉·谢马什科院士报告中的一段话:“列宁的死因被认为是血管壁硬化(动脉硬化)。解剖证明,这是列宁生病和死亡的主要原因。病因就在颈动脉。”   斯皮瓦克说,解剖时,发现列宁的大脑状况很糟糕。列宁的脑颅组织总共只有1340克,连标准的脑重量都达不到。谢马什科院士的报告说,“动脉硬化首先影响大脑,也就是直接支配人体活动的器官”。用这位专家的话说,病症直接侵害“最脆弱的部位”,列宁的脑颅组织就是这种“脆弱”部位。   后来,专家就把列宁的大脑、心脏和从他身体里取出来的子弹放入研究所的玻璃瓶,进行仔细研究。   据斯皮瓦克说,1925年,苏联成立了专门研究列宁大脑的实验室。年轻的苏维埃国家没有自己的专家,只好求助于外国。著名的德国神经学家奥斯卡尔·福格特(1870-1959年)主持了研究工作。按照福格特的计划,在德国制作了宏观切割仪(切割成几大块)和微观切割仪(做成3.4万个切片)。   1927年,福格特提交了研究报告。报告说,列宁的大脑结构与常人不同,这成就了他的领袖事业。列宁的锥体细胞非常发达,细胞之间的连接纤维十分有力,细胞内核也极为坚实和清晰。   科学家把列宁的大脑和其他天才的大脑相比较,认为列宁的大脑质地更高。列宁前额部位的沟回比卢那察尔斯基、米丘林、马雅可夫斯基的沟回都要多。
内外六夷,敢称兵仗者斩
民主社会嘛,那不就是“黑心人地掌权,无耻的人发言,没脸没皮的人抛头露面”
皇汉、普世、满遗——中国网络三大害。
European Journal of NeurologyThe Official Journal of the European Federation of Neurological Societies (EFNS)

Edited by:
Matti Hillbom & Anthony Schapira Associate Editors: Alberto Albanese, Michael Brainin, Maurizio Leone, Charles Davie, Seppo Juvela, Eng-King Tan, Zbigniew Wszolek

Online ISSN: 1468-1331
Frequency: 12 issues a year (1 combined)
Current Volume: 17 / 2010
ISI Journal Citation Reports® Ranking: 2009: Neurosciences: 129 / 230; Clinical Neurology: 66 / 167
Impact Factor: 2.51

TopAuthor Guidelines
INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS
CONTENTS:

General information
Ethical requirements
Manuscript preparation
Online submission
Publication
Author's checklist


General information

The European Journal of Neurology publishes papers in neurology and related areas in the following categories:
• Original Articles
• Short Communications
• Reviews
• Letters to the Editor
• Guidelines
• Book Reviews

Original Articles and Reviews should be no more than 4000 words including title page, structured abstract, references, legends and captions. Six figures or tables are permitted. Additional figures may be submitted for publication online only, at the discretion of the editor. This supplementary material must be clearly labelled as "online only" on the title page and in citations throughout the manuscript, and must be placed at the very end of the manuscript. No other material will be considered for online only publication.

Short Communications should be no more than 1500 words including title page, abstract, references, legends and captions. Two tables or figures are permitted.

Letters to the Editor should be no more than 500 words including references. Letters express views about articles published in EJoN or present ideas or findings of scientific interest that do not constitute original research.

Case reports must be submitted as Letters to the Editor with a maximum of 750 words including title page and references and only one figure or table. Acceptance of case reports is very limited, and only reports that make a major clinico-pathological or educational contribution or suggest a significant change of diagnosis or therapy will be accepted.

Letters to the Editor and Book Reviews are published online only.

Guideline articles are prepared by task forces appointed by EFNS and reviewed by the EFNS Scientific Panel. The maximum word count of Guideline articles is 6000 words including title page, abstract, references, legends and captions. All new Guideline articles and selected updates with substantial revision of content are published in the European Journal of Neurology. Due to space constraints, some updates are published on the EFNS website. Readers of EJoN are referred to all Guidelines available on these two publication forums. All Guideline articles should comply with the EFNS requirements (Brainin M, Barnes M, Baron, J-C, et al. Guidance for the preparation of neurological management guidelines by EFNS scientific task forces - revised recommendations 2004, European Journal of Neurology 2004; 11: 577-581).

The Editors-in-Chief can, at their discretion, invite Editorials on timely and important topics. The views expressed in editorials are the authors' personal opinions and do not represent the opinion of the European Journal of Neurology or the EFNS.

Articles on education and other matters of general interest can also be published in the EFNS Newsletter.

Manuscript preparation

Structure
Provide your manuscripts with a title page, a structured abstract (Background, Methods, Results, Conclusions) of up to 250 words, an appropriate Introduction, a Methods/Patients section, Results and Discussion. Letters to the Editor need not be formally structured and do not have an abstract.

Our peer review is not blinded. Each manuscript should have a title page with the following information:

• title of the manuscript
• author's (authors') full name (first name, middle initial, last name) and degree
• full address of the institution(s) where the work was carried out
• telephone, fax and e-mail data of the corresponding author for correspondence, proofs and reprint requests.
• total word count of the manuscript including title page, references, legends and structured abstract
• running title
• up to eight keywords

Text
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Format your files double-spaced and use automatic word-wrap with no hard returns within paragraphs and no hyphenation. Be consistent about typing, e.g. distinguish between '1' (one) and 'l' (lower-case L) and '0' (zero) and 'O' (capital O), etc.

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Tables
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Figures
Submit your figures as EPS, TIFF or PDF files. Use 300 dpi resolution for photographic images and 600 dpi resolution for line art.

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Full details of the submission of artwork are available at http://authorservices.wiley.com/bauthor/illustration.asp.

The cost of reproducing colour illustrations is normally charged to the authors. Contact the publishers for an estimate of this cost. If there is colour artwork in your manuscript when it is accepted for publication, Wiley-Blackwell will require you to complete and return a colour work agreement form before your paper can be published. This form can be downloaded as a PDF file from http://www.blackwellpublishing.com/pdf/SN_Sub2000_F_CoW.pdf.

If you are not able to cover the costs of reproducing colour figures in the printed version of the journal, it is possible to have colour figures reproduced in colour for free in the online version of the article, while they will still appear in black and white in the print version. Only one version of the figure should be supplied in colour, and the figures should be suitable for reproduction in both colour and black and white. Provide two figure legends: one for the B&W figure and another for the colour version. Indicate clearly to which figure the legend refers.

If you are unable to download the colour work agreement form of have other questions about illustrations, please contact the Production Editor at ene@wiley.com. They will e-mail or fax a form to you. Return the completed form to the Production Editor either by post, email or fax:Melody Tan - Wiley Services Singapore Pte Ltd, 600 North Bridge Road, #05-01 Parkview Square, Singapore 188778 - Email: metan@wiley.com - Fax: +65 6511 8288

References
Use Vancouver referencing. Number references consecutively in the order they appear in the text using Arabic numerals enclosed in square brackets on the line (not superscript). Use [1-4] instead of [1,2,3,4]. References cited only in tables or figures should be numbered in the sequence established by the particular table's/figure's position in the text.

We recommend the use of a tool such as EndNote or Reference Manager for reference management and formatting. EndNote reference styles are available at http://www.endnote.com/support/enstyles.asp. Reference Manager reference styles are available at http://www.refman.com/support/rmstyles.asp.

All references (including those in press) should be listed at the end of the text in the order they are quoted. Abstracts published in peer-reviewed journals may be quoted as references. Unpublished observations, personal communications and abstracts published in conference proceedings should be quoted in parentheses within the text of the manuscript. Information from manuscripts submitted but not yet accepted should be cited in the text as 'unpublished observations'.

Internet sites may be quoted as references by listing them in the normal way in the text (using Arabic numerals) and in the References section. Please include the date accessed in parentheses.

List all authors unless there are more than six, in which case give the first three followed by 'et al.'. Spell out the names of all journals in full and give the first and last numbers in full, not just the first.

Examples:
1. Author AB, Author CD. Title of paper. Journal Title Written out in Full Italics 1999; 12: 123-124.
2. Author AB, Author CD, Author EF, et al. Six or more authors - what's the point? (chapter title). In: Editor GH, Editor IJ, eds. Title of Book. Place: Publisher, 1998: 345-367.
3. Author AB. Book Title, 5th edn. Place: Publisher, 2000.
4. Author(s) of website. http://www.URL.co.uk (accessed 01/01/2005).


Online submission

To submit a manuscript online, follow these instructions:

Getting started
1. Launch your web browser (for supported browsers, kindly refer to System Requirements on the Main Menu page) and go to the European Journal of Neurology's ScholarOne Manuscripts (formerly known as Manuscript Central) website (http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/eurjneurol).
2. Log in if you are an old user of ScholarOne Manuscripts (formerly known as Manuscript Central). Click "Create Account" if you are a first-time user.
3. If you are creating a new account:
• After clicking "Create Account" enter your name and e-mail information and click "Next".
Note: Your correct e-mail information is very important.
• Enter your institution and address information as prompted, then click "Next."
• Enter a user ID (= your e-mail address) and a password of your choice and then select your key words. Click "Finish" when done.
4. Log in and select "Corresponding Author Centre."

Submitting the first version your manuscript
5. After you have logged in, enter your Corresponding Author Centre and click the "Submit a Manuscript" link on the screen.
6. Enter data and answer questions as prompted
7. Click on the "Next" button on each screen to save your work and advance to the next screen.
8. You will be prompted to upload your files:
• Click on the "Browse" button and locate the file on your computer.
• Select the file designation in the dropdown list next to the Browse button.
• When you have selected all files you wish to upload, click the "Upload" button.
NOTE: you have a limit of 60 MB combined for all files you upload.
9. Review your submission (in both PDF and HTML formats) before submitting. Click the "Submit" button when you are done reviewing.

You may stop a submission at any phase and save it to continue and submit later. After submission, you will receive a confirmation via e-mail. You can also log on to ScholarOne Manuscripts (formerly known as Manuscript Central) any time to check the status of your manuscript. The Editors will inform you via e-mail once a decision has been made.

Submitting a revised version of your manuscript
Submit two versions of your manuscript: one with the changes highlighted in bold
or underline, another without highlights. Submit both tables and figures as separate files. Note: Delete all previously submitted versions.

Submitting the final version of your manuscript
Delete all previously submitted versions of the manuscript. Ensure that all sections of the final version of the manuscript, including figure captions and tables (but not actual figures), are presented in a single file and have been updated to incorporate all revisions. In the full-text online edition of the journal, figure legends may be truncated in the abbreviated links to the full-screen version. Therefore, the first 100 characters of any legend should inform the reader of key aspects of the figure.

Author material archive policy
Please note that unless specifically requested, Wiley-Blackwell will dispose of all submitted material, 2 months after print publication.


Publication

Copyright
All manuscripts submitted to the European Journal of Neurology are accepted on the understanding that they have not been and will not be published elsewhere. The authors of accepted manuscripts must complete an Exclusive License Form (ELF) to license their paper for publication in the European Journal of Neurology and to license copyright in their paper to the European Federation of Neurological Societies.
Note: An exclusive license form needs to be completed only after the paper has been accepted for publication. A copy of the form can be downloaded here: Exclusive License Form ENE.

When you have completed and signed this form has and labelled it with the manuscript reference number, return it to the Production Editor by post, email or fax: Melody Tan - Wiley Services Singapore Pte Ltd, 600 North Bridge Road, #05-01 Parkview Square, Singapore 188778 - Email: metan@wiley.com - Fax: +65 6511 8288.

Permissions
Materials copied from other sources must be accompanied by a written statement from both the author and the publisher giving permission to the European Journal of Neurology for reproduction. Obtain permission in writing from at least one author of papers still in press, of unpublished data, and of personal communications. It is the author's responsibility to ensure that permissions are obtained.

Proofs and Reprints
The corresponding author will receive an email alert containing a link to an 'e-proofing' website. You should therefore provide a valid e-mail address for the corresponding author. You can download the proof as a PDF file from this 'e-proofing' website. You will need Acrobat Reader to read the file and make any corrections: further instructions will be sent with the proof. Make the necessary corrections on the proof and return these to the address indicated on the e-proofing e-mail alert, within three days of proof receipt. You should make only the corrections that are absolutely necessary.

Information regarding ordering Offprints will be supplied with the proof e-mail alert. For information regarding Commercial Reprints, please contact Claire Porter (Email: claire.porter@wiley.com).

Manuscripts are accepted for publication on the understanding that exclusive copyright is assigned to the European Federation of Neurological Societies. However, this does not limit the freedom of the author(s) to use material reported in the papers in any other published works.

Early View
The European Journal of Neurology is covered by Wiley-Blackwell's Early View service. Early View articles are complete full-text articles published online in advance of their publication in a printed issue. Early View articles are complete and final. They have been fully reviewed, revised and edited for publication, and the authors' final corrections have been incorporated. Because they are in final form, no changes can be made to the manuscript after online publication.

Early View articles cannot be cited in the traditional way. They are therefore given a Digital Object Identifier (DOI). This is a string of characters which allows the article to be cited and tracked before it is allocated to an issue. After print publication, the DOI remains valid and can continue to be used to cite and access the article. For more information about DOIs, visit http://www.doi.org/faq.html.

OnlineOpen


OnlineOpen is a pay-to-publish service from Wiley-Blackwell that offers authors whose papers are accepted for publication the opportunity to pay up-front for their manuscript to become open access (i.e. free for all to view and download) via the Wiley Online Library website. Each OnlineOpen article will be subject to a one-off fee of $ 3000 to be met by or on behalf of the Author in advance of publication. Upon online publication, the article (both full-text and PDF versions) will be available to all for viewing and download free of charge. The print version of the article will also be branded as OnlineOpen and will draw attention to the fact that the paper can be downloaded for free via the Wiley Online Library service. For the full list of terms and conditions, see http://wileyonlinelibrary.com/onlineopen#OnlineOpen_Terms.

Any authors wishing to send their paper OnlineOpen will be required to complete the payment form available from our website at: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/onlineOpenOrder.


Author's Checklist

Read the checklist with care. Manuscripts not consistent with the checklist may be returned for correction.

General
• Have the manuscript written or proof-read by a person proficient in English.
• Make sure the manuscript complies with the maximum word count.
• Format Case Reports as Letters to the Editor.
• Enter all authors' names and affiliations in the submission process.
• Supply all information requested in the Ethical requirements section above.
• When submitting a revision, provide two revised versions: one with the changes highlighted, the other without highlights. Delete all previous versions of the manuscript.
• Submit the manuscript text file as a .doc or .rtf file (not as .pdf).
• Submit a duly completed Author Guarantee Statement along with the manuscript files.

Title page
• Make sure the authors' names and affiliations are complete and individually numbered.
• Indicate the total word count.
• Give a running title.
• List up to eight keywords.
• Provide the name, address, fax and e-mail of the corresponding author.

Abstract page
• Provide a structured abstract (Background, Methods, Results, Conclusions) of up to 250 words.
Note: Letters to the Editor do not have an abstract.

Report pages and references
• Limit your acknowledgement to max. 50 words.
• Report IRB approval, informed consent and trial registration in the Methods section of your manuscript. Provide a conflict of interest statement and disclose your sources of funding at the end, if applicable.
• Use Vancouver referencing.
• Make sure each citation is present in the reference list and vice versa.

Artwork and tables
• Upload images of sufficient resolution (300 dpi for photographs, 600 dpi for line art)
• Indicate approximate positions of tables and figures in the text
• Submit the text of the manuscript, including table and figure captions, as one file and each figure/table as a separate file.
• Submit your tables as .doc or .xls files, not as scanned or image files.
内外六夷,敢称兵仗者斩
民主社会嘛,那不就是“黑心人地掌权,无耻的人发言,没脸没皮的人抛头露面”
皇汉、普世、满遗——中国网络三大害。
June 28, 2004
Lenin Syphilis article--European Journal of Neurology June 2004
The enigma of Lenin’s (1870–1924) malady
V. Lernera, Y. Finkelsteinb and E. Witztuma
aMental Health Center, Faculty of Health Sciences, Ben-Gurion University, Be’er Sheva, Israel; bDepartment of Neurology,
Sha’arei Zedek Medical Center, Jerusalem, Israel, affiliated with Ben-Gurion University, Be’er Sheva, Israel

Received 29 October 2003
Accepted 2 January 2004
The health of heads of states is not always handled in the same way as an incapacitating
disability in ordinary professionals. Instead of suspension of responsibilities, the
health status of political leaders is concealed, especially when the illness is perceived as
stigmatizing, such as organic mental impairment or sexual disorder. The objective of
the present paper is to analyse the malady of Lenin (1870–1924) in the light of relevant
and newmedical information. It is hoped that this will accentuate the need for
transparency when the health of a statesman is concerned.
376

Introduction
Ostensibly, the physical and mental health of political
leaders and heads of state is often reported and discussed
in public, conforming to the contemporary
requirement for accountability. In reality, however,
information regarding political leaders is frequently
suppressed, particularly where illnesses such as venereal
diseases and organic mental impairment carry cultural
or social stigma. Consequently, sick leaders may not
resign despite their evident incapacity to fulfill public
duties responsibly. This is contrary to the routine
practices of occupational medicine where, as a rule of
thumb, patients are required to suspend professional
activities until recovery. This routine is firmly invoked
in occupations that entail responsibility for the lives of
others, for example physicians, pilots and bus drivers.
Several political leaders in democratic society in the
20th century were notable for not having suspended
public duty during their illnesses, including the 28th
(1913–1921) and 32nd (1933–1945) Presidents of USA –
T. WoodrowWilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt,
respectively (Toole, 1999), Sir Winston Churchill, the
British Prime Minister in the early 1950s (Storr, 1990),
and Mr Menachem Begin, Prime Minister of Israel in
the early 1980s (Post and Robins, 1993). In undemocratic
societies this is much commoner, and Vladimir
Il’yich Lenin (1870–1924) is the most prominent
example of a non-democratic leader whose illness was
publicly concealed during its lengthy duration and even
in the aftermath of the Soviet Union, 70 years after his
death. The plethora of newly disclosed information
regarding his illness has been discussed only partially in
the medical literature (Lopukhin, 1997; Roslyakov,
1997; Hesse, 1998; Arutyunov, 1999; Danilov, 2000;
Rodionov, 2000; Spivak, 2001). Thus, the objective of
this paper is to analyse Lenin’s disease in the light of
recently uncovered information.
Vladimir Lenin (V.I. Ul’yanov) was a prominent figure
in modern history. Lenin developed the theory and
practice of the Social Revolution and the Dictatorship
of the Proletariat. In 1917, Lenin led the Russian
October Revolution and created the Soviet Union and
the Comintern, which he headed until his death in 1924.
First signs and symptoms of Lenin’s disorder
According to the official version, Lenin’s illness began
in 1922, although the first signs and symptoms were
probably manifested many years earlier (Krupskaya,
1925; Osipov, 1990; Volkogonov, 1994). From archival
documents, the former Soviet Minister of Health, Professor
Boris Petrovskii, concluded that Lenin had suffered
from his illness for more than 10 years before any
overt references to the illness were made (Petrovskii,
1990).
Lenin’s records from 1900 include names and details
of German neurologists and psychiatrists to whom he
was referred. Some specialized in neurolues (brain
syphilis) (Volkogonov, 1994; Lopukhin, 1997; Roslyakov,
1997; Arutyunov, 1999). His wife Nadezhda
Krupskaya wrote in her memoirs: At the end 1902 …
Vladimir Il’yich became ill and suffered from severe
nervous illness. When an eruption appeared, I read a
medicine reference book and concluded that he was
infected with trichophytosis (Krupskaya, 1925). Later,
Lenin turned to specialists for help (Danilov, 2000). He
was also hospitalized for 2 weeks. However, the real
nature of his problem remained unknown.
His illness made him irritable and ill-tempered; listening
to music and especially to the violin became
unbearable for him. He demanded to reduce the sound
level in all his offices and had noise-reducing devices
Correspondence: Vladimir Lerner MD, PhD, Be’er-Sheva Mental
Health Center, PO Box 4600, Be’er-Sheva, 84170, Israel
(tel.: +972-8-6401410; fax: +972-8-6401491; e-mail: lernervld@
yahoo.com).
 2004 EFNS 371
European Journal of Neurology 2004, 11: 371–376
installed (Volkogonov, 1994; Lopukhin, 1997; Arutyunov,
1999). Headaches prohibited him from working
(Flerov, 1987; Krupskaya, 1989; Arutyunov, 1999;
Danilov, 2000).
It is clear that these symptoms were not the result of
the assassination attempt in 1919 when Lenin was
wounded with one bullet penetrating the left upper arm
with the intact projectile lodged superficially until
removed later and a second bullet entering through the
left scapula and exiting the right neck without signifi-
cant damage. Lenin returned to his routine after a short
rest (Petrovskii, 1990; Lopukhin, 1997).
内外六夷,敢称兵仗者斩
民主社会嘛,那不就是“黑心人地掌权,无耻的人发言,没脸没皮的人抛头露面”
皇汉、普世、满遗——中国网络三大害。
The official version of Lenin’s malady
The official report of Lenin’s disease is actually that of
Professor Viktor Osipov, a famous Russian psychiatrist
who treated Lenin in 1923. In his opinion, the period of
evident illness should be divided into three periods
(Osipov, 1990). In the first (March–December 1922),
short episodes of loss of consciousness occurred followed
by numbness on the right side of the body
affecting initially the right hand. The numbness was
sometimes accompanied by transient right-hand paresis
and motor dysphasia. These attacks occurred about
twice a week, lasting from 20 min to 2 h. Osipov
interpreted these attacks as fatigue with no serious
organic disease (Osipov, 1990). After convalescing in
the village of Gorky, his condition ameliorated
remarkably. In August 1922, he resumed regular
activities at full steam for several months.
The second phase of Lenin’s disease began in
December 1922, when he was suddenly inflicted with
right hemiparesis without dysphasia. He had to dictate
his articles as he was unable to write. In February 1923,
he composed his last political declaration (Osipov,
1990).
The terminal period of Lenin’s disease started in
March 1923, when he suffered irreversible right hemiparesis
with both motor and sensory aphasia and alexia.
In May 1923, he was taken again from the Kremlin to
Gorky village where his condition improved slightly
and he received speech therapy but, in June 1923, his
condition deteriorated. He suffered from throbbing
headaches, restlessness, hallucinations, sleep disturbance
and loss of appetite. A month later, his condition
improved and his wife mediated between him and the
outside world. At that point Lenin was able only to
express a feww ords, although his ability to undertake
verbal repetition was relatively preserved. His reading
ability improved slightly and he could name objects in
pictures presented to him. He began practising writing
with his left hand (Osipov, 1990). Yet, Lenin’s illness
gradually relapsed. In mid-October 1923, episodes of
syncope occurred, lasting 15–20 s each, initially
occurred three to four times per week and later more
frequently. Subsequently epileptic seizures appeared,
with at least one noted in the medical records. The
epileptic seizures worsened inexorably. He became
lethargic and was bedridden until his death on
24 January 1924. The terminal event was status epilepticus,
which lasted 50 min. Finally his face became congested
and reddened during a final, cardiorespiratory
arrest. Resuscitation attempts failed (Osipov, 1990).
The pathological findings
Autopsy was performed the next day by Professor
Alexei Abrikosov in the presence of the Commissar of
Health, Dr Nikolai Semashko. In the USSR, treating
physicians had to participate in the autopsy and sign
its report, but of the 27 physicians who had treated
Lenin (including eight foreigners) only eight signed:
seven Russians and a German (Fo¨ rster) who knew no
Russian. Two pathologists also signed the protocol.
Notably the famous director of the Brain Institute in
Petrograd, Professor Vladimir Bekhterev (1857–1927),
who had examined Lenin at least once, was not invited
to the autopsy (Nikiforov, 1986; Arutyunov, 1999).
The significant autopsy findings were: an ulcerated
atheromatotic plaque severely stenosed the abdominal
aorta. Minor changes were observed in the coronary
arteries, and the left heart ventricle was hypertrophied.
Complete obliteration of the left internal carotid artery
was noted, with diffuse atheromatotic changes and
stenosis of all intracranial arteries, especially the
ascending and inferior frontal branches of the middle
cerebral artery. The vertebral and basillary arteries were
thick and sclerotic.
The brain weighed 1340 g with the left frontal lobe
smaller than the right. The left hemisphere contained
multiple foci of yellowsoftening with cystic changes.
Two areas of softening were noted in the right occipitotemporal
border. On external examination the left
hemisphere contained four degenerative areas with
cystic changes adjacent to the cortical surface and
invading the subcortex – in the paracentral gyrus, in the
high parietal gyri, near the occipital pole and in the
temporal gyri. The lateral ventricles were relatively
widened, more remarkably in the left hemisphere, and
contained transparent liquid. Blood vessels above the
corpora quadrigemina were congested with blood with
signs of hemorrhage. Cerebellar section through the
vermis revealed transparent liquid (Osipov, 1990;
Petrovskii, 1990).
Abrikosov formulated the diagnosis as diffuse
atherosclerosis, most remarkable in the brain arteries.
The attending physicians concluded overwhelming
372 V. Lerner et al.
 2004 EFNS European Journal of Neurology 11, 371–376
impairment of cerebral blood circulation; and
haemorrhage around the corpora quadrigemina
(Lopukhin, 1997; Arutyunov, 1999; Danilov, 2000).
Neurosyphilis as a possible diagnosis
Syphilis is ignored as a possible diagnosis in the official
report (Volkogonov, 1994). However, it is our hypothesis
that Lenin suffered from neurosyphilis from the
first decade of the 20th century, and probably even
earlier when the young Lenin lived in Zurich, Geneva,
Munich, Prague, Vienna and London. Despite the
myths, Lenin was not a puritan (Roslyakov, 1997;
Arutyunov, 1999). On 18 July 1895, he was admitted for
2 weeks to Borhardt’s clinic in Switzerland (Danilov,
2000). Lenin did not disclose the reasons for this but he
wrote to relatives that he had: a good time and found
myself … in a Swiss resort (Lenin, 1970).
Returning to Bremen after examining Lenin in
Russia, the renowned German syphilis specialist
Professor Max Nonne hinted in response to a question
about Lenin’s illness everybody knows for which brain
disorders I am called (Flerov, 1987).
The famous Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov was
quoted to assert that Lenin suffered from syphilis while
at the helm of the Russian Government … he was a
typical patient suffering from progressive paralysis.
Moreover, Pavlov was acquainted with several
researchers who studied Lenin’s brain and confirmed
finding changes consequential of syphilis and progressive
paralysis in Lenin’s brain (Flerov, 1987).
Professor Kramer, who attended the autopsy,
thought that the pathological findings were most compatible
with neurosyphilis. His signature and that of
Dr Kozhevnikov, who also suspected neurosyphilis,
were missing from the official protocol (Witztum and
Lerner, 2002; Lerner, 1979, unpublished observations).
Specialists who gained access to Lenin’s archives noted
that the results of urine tests but not of blood tests were
present, although records showthat blood tests were
taken repeatedly (Lopukhin, 1997).
Dr Hu¨ nter Hesse, a German specialist in the history
of medicine who studied Lenin’s illnesses, also pointed
at Lenin’s sterility, suggesting combined infection with
syphilis and gonorrhea (Hesse, 1998). He also mentioned
that Lenin was treated for 6 weeks in the outpatient
clinics of Berlin’s Moabit hospital for unknown
reasons and that his wife was affected by a feminine
disease (Hesse, 1998).
The Commissar of Health Semashko reported in his
memoirs that the damage to the blood vessels in Lenin’s
brain was so extensive that a metal sound was elicited
by the touch of forceps and that the lumina of vessels
were narrower than a hair (Osipov, 1990; Volkogonov,
1994; Arutyunov, 1999; Danilov, 2000). This, and the
massive sclerosis of cerebral blood vessels described
in Lenin’s autopsy (Osipov, 1990; Freeman, 1991;
Lopukhin, 1997) are compatible with neurosyphilis in
its meningovascular form (Victor and Popper, 2001).
The clinical picture also strongly suggests neurosyphilis
as general paresis occurs typically 10–20 years
after the primary syphilis infection (Roos, 1999). The
personality and cognitive changes can mimic atherosclerotic
cerebrovascular disease (Stoudemire et al.,
2000). Moreover, symptoms such as headache, vertigo,
insomnia and irritability, that inflicted Lenin could be
the clinical manifestation of the slowly progressive
vascular syndrome of meningovascular syphilis
(Lukehart and Holmes, 1994).
There are many versions of Lenin’s autopsy protocol;
some claim a minimum of three (Lopukhin, 1997)
others of eight (Lerner, 1979, unpublished observations),
but no version is authorized. The official version
was publicized shortly after Lenin’s death, to counter
widespread rumours that he had died of syphilis but
this failed to stop them. Therefore, an additional protocol
with histological analyses was issued to prove that
Lenin had not suffered from syphilis. The anatomical
loci chosen to make this claim were atypical and typical
organs heavily affected in syphilis, such as the carotid
and vertebral arteries or the aortic arch, and typically
affected brain areas were ignored (Lopukhin, 1997).
Only after the fall of the Soviet regime when secret
archives were opened for a short period, did it became
possible to retrieve documents. It was discovered that
Commissar Semashko unequivocally instructed Chief
Pathologist Abrikosov to prove that Lenin had not had
syphilis (Arutyunov, 1999; Danilov, 2000). For the
first time, these relevant documents are available in
English. The recently disclosed accounts of two foreign
physicians who treated Lenin, further support these
observations.
The last photographs published of Lenin were only
recently revealed to the public (for example Fig. 1). In
contrast to the well-known photographs and pictures,
this picture reflects the rapid deterioration in his condition.
The impression is of a seriously ill person with a
strange extinguished, haunted look.
Stru¨ mpell’s testimony
Dr Adolf von Stru¨ mpell an eminent neurologist and
internist from Leipzig mentioned in his 1925 memoirs
the medical consultation in Moscowjust briefly. However,
sections from his diary were published in 1974 by
his daughters Dr Regina Stru¨ mpell and Dr Anna
Klapheck from Dusseldorf (Strumpell and Klapheck,
1974). There he noted the first medical consultation
The enigma of Lenin’s malady 373
 2004 EFNS European Journal of Neurology 11, 371–376
with the Russian professors Kramer and Kozhevnikov:
March 20, 1923 – Endarteritis luetica with softening is
very probable, although the diagnosis of lues is uncertain
. The next day he examined Lenin in his apartment.
Lenin extended his left hand to him in a friendly
manner. Right hemiplegia and near-complete motor
aphasia with right hemianopsia were diagnosed. The
same afternoon, the full team of consultants met and
discussed endarteritis luetica with secondary softening
as the highly likely diagnosis. However, this diagnosis
remained uncertain as the CSF was normal and Wasserman’s
test was negative but in tertiary syphilis
Wasserman’s test in the CSF is false negative in 34–
90%, while as in blood tests only 5% are false negatives
(Sepp et al., 1950; Lishman, 1987; Isselbacher et al.,
1994; Stoudemire et al., 2000). Additional diagnoses
were proposed including cerebral tumour and subdural
haematoma. Dr Stru¨ mpell noted in his diary that the
patient had too many attending physicians and added,
following another examination of Lenin, diagnosis
uncertain and prognosis uncertain (Strumpell and
Klapheck, 1974).
Henschen’s testimony
In 1974, Folke Henschen, Professor Emeritus of
Pathology from the Karolinska Institute published his
personal reminiscences of his visit to Moscoww hile
accompanying his father, Professor Solomon Henschen,
one of the eight European physicians invited in
March 1923 to treat Lenin. The father gave a detailed
report of his visit to Moscowin the meeting of
the Swedish Medical Society on 26 February 1924
(Henschen, 1974).
Upon arrival in Moscow, he participated in a consultation
with six foreign physicians and the two local
attending physicians. During each of the next 4 days
two different physicians examined Lenin, and Henschen
was paired with Stru¨ mpell. During their examination,
Lenin was coherent and cooperative, leaving the
impression of an intact intellect. He performed all the
verbal commands and understood all his examiners
questions but his verbal response was limited to a few
Russian and German words due to motor aphasia. The
examiners noted complete right hemiparesis without
left-sided motor deficit. The consultants concurred
regarding both the medical treatment and the poor
prognosis.
A fewdays later Lenin’s condition worsened and he
became wholly apathetic and unresponsive to verbal
stimuli. Henschen noted regarding the primary etiology
of Lenin’s disease … Perhaps the apparent cause
could be a common and non-specific etiology, since
Wasserman’s serologic test in CSF was negative.
Henschen considered the terminal event, 10 months
later, to be status epilepticus with hyperthermia of
42.3C and respiratory arrest (Henschen, 1974).
Henschen, having received the detailed autopsy
report with Semashko’s diagnosis of erosive sclerosis,
disputed the final diagnosis of intracerebral haemorrhage
for lack of evidence with only a small
haemorrhage near the corpora quadrigemina. Massive
central intracerebral haemorrhage should have demonstrated
ventricular engorgement with blood but the
ventricles were filled with clear fluid. Henschen (1974)
believed that the document was aimed at the Russian
public.
Discussion
Various sources support the assumption that Lenin
suffered and died of syphilis. The official efforts to
conceal Lenin’s infliction with a stigmatized venereal
disorder were impressive but even more significant were
the attempts to completely hide Lenin’s illness. These
succeeded, in part, due to the lack of English language
scientific publications regarding involvement of syphilis
Figure 1 The last year of Lenin’s life.
374 V. Lerner et al.
 2004 EFNS European Journal of Neurology 11, 371–376
in Lenin’s illness and death. Kaplan and Petrikovsky’s
paper (the only relevant paper in English) appeared in
1992 before the collapse of USSR and the opening of
secret archives, relied heavily on Osipov’s memories
from 1930 and ignored significant sources in the Russian
language that had already appeared outside the
USSR (e.g. Flerov, 1987). They did not discuss the
differential diagnosis and chose to ignore significant
clinical data that could indicated an alternative diagnosis
(Kaplan and Petrikovsky, 1992). This case could
serve as a good demonstration of non-purposeful misdiagnosis
or even of conceptual misdiagnosis – when all
the data is available but conclusions are misleading
under the spell of a misconception (Witztum et al.,
1996). The possibility of this diagnosis has been discussed
in several German and Russian popular newspapers
and books (Henschen, 1974; Strumpell and
Klapheck, 1974; Flerov, 1987; Lopukhin, 1997; Roslyakov,
1997; Hesse, 1998; Arutyunov, 1999; Danilov,
2000).
The detailed stages of Lenin’s illness correlate highly
with the clinical course of neurosyphilis. The clinical
correlates of middle cerebral artery involvement including
hemiparesis and aphasia are typical in neurosyphilis,
as are the autopsy findings of complete
obliteration of large-, medium- and small-sized blood
vessels.
The tremendous fees offered to foreign experts for
consultation (Fo¨ rster and Klemperer received 50 000
rubles in gold each, and Henschen received 25 000
Swedish Krone) suggest payment for silence (Volkogonov,
1994).
It is possible that future DNA technology applied to
preserved Lenin’s brain material (Spivak, 2001) ultimately
could establish or disprove neurosyphilis as the
primary cause of Lenin’s death.
The concealment of Lenin’s incapacity during his
lengthy terminal disease enabled the consequent
usurpation of Soviet leadership by Stalin and this
demonstrates clearly the horrid consequences of
deliberate disinformation regarding the health of
political leaders, a lesson that is just as relevant today.
Lenin chronic illness and his death at an young age
cleared the way and created a political vacuum and
administrative decontrol. These were fully exploited
by the usurper Stalin who took over both the Communist
party and the Soviet Union for the next three
decades.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Jacob T. Buchbinder
PhD, Anne Marie Petrov PhD for helping in preparing
the paper and constructive comments.
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内外六夷,敢称兵仗者斩
民主社会嘛,那不就是“黑心人地掌权,无耻的人发言,没脸没皮的人抛头露面”
皇汉、普世、满遗——中国网络三大害。
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June 28, 2004 in Debate | Permalink
内外六夷,敢称兵仗者斩
民主社会嘛,那不就是“黑心人地掌权,无耻的人发言,没脸没皮的人抛头露面”
皇汉、普世、满遗——中国网络三大害。
苏联共妻制度


      “能想出这个真相的人是天才,一定是我们恶魔岛上的同道。”——恶魔岛网友评论(不要告诉我不知道什么是恶魔岛) 。

      这东西就是把当年“共产共妻”的那一套宣传又翻出来罢了。这种宣传是穿越时空“放之四海而皆准的”,绝不仅仅只出现在中华民国。

      根据马克思的理论,共产主义社会家庭消亡、没有婚姻是因为没有私有制,没有私有制,也就不存在遗产问题。而婚姻的存在,在共产主义理论中只是为了保障血缘继承而已。因此没有遗产、无需继承,因此婚姻也就没有存在必要。并非说共产主义社会是要共产共妻。何况强奸是违背人权的,在共产主义社会中是不允许存在的。马克思主义者主张:在恋爱婚姻家庭的道德上不应只考虑到个人的生理需要,同时也要考虑到由于两性关系而带来的社会责任,所以应该理智地对待自己的性行为。

      十月革命胜利以后,苏俄女教育部长兼外交部长、人民委员阿历山大.柯伦泰(即文中的“克朗黛”,她是一位现代女权主义者)提出了一种叫做“杯水主义”的性道德理论,认为在共产主义社会,满足性欲的需要就象喝一杯水那样简单和平常。这一理论引起一些青年的思想混乱,并导致性生活的放纵。列宁坚决反对“杯水主义”,他说:“我认为这个出名的杯水主义完全不是马克思主义,甚至是反社会的。”(转引自蔡特金《回忆列宁》) 改革开放初期,我们国家当时的一部分年轻人曾经特别推崇“杯水主义”,因为它实际上就是“性解放”的同义词。无论如何,“杯水主义”与强暴卖淫扯不上任何关系!

        说苏联“不要结婚的礼仪”更是笑话。红色政权创立伊始,百废待兴,又有内忧外患。当局提倡移风易俗、树立新风,再加上那时生活艰苦,因此婚礼带有“红色”印记,而且不可能铺张。革命新风对农村的习俗影响不大,那里婚事照办,规矩不变,不过排场已非昔比。城里的革命化色彩比农村浓得多。例如,在工厂里,新郎新娘要举行“红色”婚礼。当然,他们不会去教堂,而是欢聚在车间里铺上红台布的桌子周围。新婚夫妇把事先写就的准备缔结“苏维埃”家庭的申请书呈于各位来宾的面前,所有在场的人依次在中请书上签名作证。然后众人鼓掌庆贺。在热烈的掌声中,大家给新婚夫妇送上礼物——两本书。礼毕,共青团代表作移风易俗的报告。晚上,大家聚在新房(通常是一个小房间)里,又吵又闹,热闹非凡。小伙子和姑娘们边说边笑,用头巾把新郎新娘的右手扎在一起,请他们入席。桌上没有什么美味佳肴,只有当时已属珍品的凉拌菜、咸鲜鱼、黑面包,当然还有婚宴上除了新郎新娘外必不可少的伏特加酒。虽是“粗茶淡饭”,倒也尽兴。姑娘们唱起了从老一辈听来的婚礼歌,小伙子们始则大口大口、继而大杯大杯地狂饮。在饮了一杯“苦”酒以后,大伙儿高兴地喊起了“苦啊!苦啊!”新郎新娘“应邀”接吻。这以后不久,男女双方如欲履行正式手续,只要携带各自的身份证到该市的“户籍登记处”(ЗАГС)登记结婚就是。那里的办事员先问几个问题,然后登记在案,并祝新婚夫妇白头偕老。

        后来,婚礼开始走上正规。凡欲结合者均需去民政处登记。过去世俗婚礼的基本模式保留了下来,但以俭朴为主。如,“在至亲的范围里”甚至可讨论送什么礼的问题,礼物务必“实惠”(如,床上用品、餐具、茶具、厨房用具等等),避免相互重复,以利于青年夫妇能顺利安排婚后生活。婚宴从简,基本上摆在家里。女方的家长向诸亲好友发出请柬,写明婚宴的地点和时间。为使被邀请的客人有足够的时问考虑自己出席与否,请柬通常在婚宴前的三星期左右发出。去民政处登记结婚由未婚夫安排。如果新郎新娘只有至亲和朋友伴送去民政处的话,那么男子们一律穿深色西服,女士们则应穿与男士们的西服颜色相配的套装或连衣裙。新娘应手捧自己的未婚夫在结婚当天早晨所送的婚庆花束。结婚戒指不是由民政处的干部,而是由新娘的父母戴上。如果在结婚仪式上,还有祝贺的话,应先向新婚夫妇道贺,然后才是双方的父母。许多家庭在登记结婚的那一天庆祝婚礼。摆婚宴可在家里,也可在饭店。在二次大战以前,多数家庭在家举行婚宴。若在家里,那么按照规矩是在未婚妻的父母家里。在家门口迎接新人的仪式多种多样:有撒麦粒(丰收的象征)的,有撒钞票(致富的象征)的.有撒鲜花(美丽的象征)的。在进人家门之前,门口放一只盘子,第一个踩上盘子的人,以后就是一家之主。这一类从农村传来的习俗在城市也有市场。如在饭店操办婚宴,那么宾客们在餐馆门前夹道欢迎新人,请新人在上座人席。亲朋好友向新郎新娘抛掷鲜花和赠送礼物。礼物中饶有趣味的是赠送甜菜(свёкла),因俄语中甜菜和婆婆(свекровь)发音近似,类似汉语中的讨口彩,表示“婆婆的亲吻”。也有送针和线的,这意味着妻子要跟随着丈夫。婚宴有专门的主持人,一般由共青团的干部担任。然后与家人或亲朋好友在一起用香槟酒庆贺,出席婚宴的来宾高呼“苦啊!,苦啊!”,劝新婚夫妇接吻。对新婚夫妇的祝词是“相爱相商”(любовь да совет)或“和和美美、相亲相爱”。这种俭朴的婚礼一直是第二次世界大战结束前的基本模式。

      “当今的俄国私生活准则也不是很清楚”和XX党没啥关系。主要是残酷的二战导致男女比例严重失调,社会风俗在很大的程度上默许了男人的“花心”。相当多的男人玩了一个又一个,然后跑路不管,女性生下孩子后顽强地独自抚养长大,这种现象直到现在还普遍存在。

      “十月革命史料曾宣布,十五至二十五岁的妇女,必须接受「性公有化」”——哪个人写的哪本书?

      “在笔者移居俄国后,才了解到共产革命历史上,确实存在「共妻」的现象”——哪个俄国人对你说的?侨居在俄罗斯的中国人数以十万计,学者成百上千,怎么这么说的人就你一个?

        那个“许可证”非常明显是无知者伪造的,一些很容易查证的基本事实是:1. 那个“北高加索苏维埃共和国”是在1918年7月7日才成立的(12月被全俄中央执行委员会撤销),当年3月份的“许可证”怎么会出现这个政权的名字?即使是它的前身——“库班苏维埃共和国(Kuban Soviet Republic)“,也是直到1918年4月13日才成立。2. 叶卡捷琳堡(Yekaterinburg)位于乌拉尔山脉东麓,距高加索两千公里。北高加索苏维埃共和国的首都应是Yekaterinodar,这个音译应翻作叶卡捷琳娜达,位于黑海之滨,1918年8月17日被邓尼金攻陷,首都迁往Pyatigorsk,Yekaterinodar1920年改名叫Krasnodar,沿用至今。

      作者在文章中唯一一个注明的来源是一本1990年的杂志——这就已经说明一切了。

——————————————————————————————————————

揭开史上苏联“共妻制度”谜团

1881 期,2009.3.18   环球时报


俄罗斯学者研究“共妻”现象时使用的宣传画

过去100年来世界政治舞台上一直存在着资本主义与社会主义两种制度的竞争。冷战时期在美苏之间这种竞争走向全面化,双方互相攻击。在西方国家的攻击中,苏联“共妻”说曾持续多年。俄罗斯《独立军事评论》日前刊登了作家阿马马年科关于所谓“共妻”事件的解密文章,做出了解释。

布厂老板为敛财编造告示

1917年十月革命的爆发引起了帝国主义国家的恐慌,在俄国国内反动势力围剿新生共产主义政权的背景下,西方国家也利用武装干涉和舆论攻击的各种手段来动摇俄国苏维埃政权的根基。而发生于1918年的一次由私人导演的借共产主义行骗的风波便催生了关于“共妻”的传说。

1918年6月末,在莫斯科米亚斯尼科夫大街上的一栋大楼内举行了一次引人注目的审判,被告赫瓦多夫——一家布厂老板被控在莫斯科到处张贴有损人民政权的告示。这张告示名为《俄罗斯处女和妻子公有化令》,起草者赫瓦多夫假借政府名义宣布:所有人类优秀因子都被保留在资产阶级腐败的躯体内,而这违反了人类繁衍的准则。基于此,从1918年5月1日开始,所有17至32岁的女性都将不再拥有对自己的所有权而将成为“公有品”。告示中详细列了19项妇女“ 公有”的具体措施,并且指明措施的具体实行将由莫斯科无政府主义委员会负责。当时莫斯科经历革命不久,无政府主义者也参加到了布尔什维克的政府当中。而赫瓦多夫就是该委员会成员之一。

根据告示,工人或社员们只要持有工厂工会开具的证明或地方委员会开具的《无产者家庭证明》都有权“享有”一个女人,每周3次,每次3小时。而女性“公有化 ”之前的“原配”丈夫仍将保留对原来妻子的“优先权”,但如果丈夫抗拒执行“公有化”法令,那么他将被取消这一“优先权”。

告示说,每个行使了自己“享受”权利的工人或社员都要缴纳自己10%的工资,而如果没有证明或不是无产者,每个月便要缴纳100个卢布。而收上来的钱将用来成立“人民繁育”委员会,该委员会将负责发放每个妇女每月232卢布的补贴,同时也负责对怀孕妇女的照顾和将新生儿抚养到17岁的费用。

法院调查发现,赫瓦多夫已经将告示当中的部分条款变为了现实。他在莫斯科附近的索科尔尼克地区弄了一套三间大草房,并且取名为“社员之爱”宫。其中的两间房间作男女宿舍用,而第三个房间便用来享乐。结果,自告示贴出后,这里便每晚都充满了淫荡的呻吟声。调查发现,这一切不过是赫瓦多夫为了敛财编造的谎言,他自己不但因此赚得盆满钵满,还自己亲身参加到了“享受”活动中去。

西方推动谣言流传

该案被曝光后,赫瓦多夫马上被逮捕。随即便举行了对他的审判。但是在审判过程中,在共产主义理论中关于性问题的认识上,觉悟不高的人民委员会法官们却发生了争论,这影响到了对赫瓦多夫的审判。大部分人的认识是,对性爱的过多沉迷将损害无产阶级新人的意志。法官之一亚历山德拉•米哈伊洛夫娜认为,整个案件中工人和社员们表现出来的对性问题的狂热都是资本主义残留的一种体现,但是随着共产主义运动的深入,这些残留终将被清洗干净。同时她认为,应该将赫瓦多夫当庭释放,但是要没收他的非法所得。尽管米哈伊洛夫娜的观点和判罚主张同其他法官有出入,但由于她职位更高,所以她的主张最终被采纳。不过,当判罚结果被宣布以后,当庭的妇女们表示了强烈抗议,甚至向法官和赫瓦多夫身上投掷臭鸡蛋和烂土豆。

赫瓦多夫被释放后也没能看到第二天的太阳,他很快就被受其告示所累的无政府主义分子暗杀了。

但事实证明,赫瓦多夫的告示和对他的审判不过是一切的开始。不久以后,整个俄罗斯境内都开始流传着关于共产主义政权“共妻”的传说。一些资本主义报纸或出于抹黑共产主义政权或出于哗众取宠的目的,添油加醋地描述着那张告示,并直接将其安到共产主义政权的头上。

西方开动了印刷机器。一系列耸人听闻的标题出现在各大报纸的头版上,“布尔什维克采取‘共妻’制破坏家庭”、“苏维埃的一夫多妻制”、“社会主义将卖淫合理化”、“布尔什维克将俄罗斯丢到了人类文明的角落里”等等,不一而足。于是,借着人们的口口相传和不同版本的出现,苏联共产党一度实行“共产共妻” 政策的传说被越来越多的人视为真实的历史,直至现在。而实际上,这个传说建立在赫瓦多夫的告示的基础上,同时里面也夹杂着资本主义社会意欲搞垮共产主义政权的用心。

英国作家向列宁询问真相

苏维埃政府对性问题的态度是什么样的呢?从上世纪二三十年代,苏维埃政府就开始对这个社会的去色情化改造。到了三十年代,性关系被一定程度政治化,在报纸杂志上已经看不到关于性话题的描述和讨论,在大街上也看不到画有穿着暴露的女人的广告牌。1935年,一名男青年还因为同时和两个女人相好而被判刑。但是斯大林之后,国家对性的控制开始放松,苏联社会的性爱观和世界大多数地方没什么大的区别。

值得一提的是,当时著名的英国作家戈尔别尔特•韦尔斯为了搞清楚整个事情的真相,专门到莫斯科拜访了列宁,并向他询问关于“共妻”的问题,列宁斩钉截铁地告诉韦尔斯,共产主义政权从未发布类似的文件,也从没有这样的命令,这完全是栽赃陷害。韦尔斯也将这次与列宁的会面写入了自己的书中。

以革命的名义共产共妻

        十月革命史料曾宣布,十五至二十五岁的妇女,必须接受「性公有化」,革命者要行使此权利,可向革命机关申请许可证。布尔什维克凭证可「公有化」十个姑娘。在笔者移居俄国后,才了解到共产革命历史上,确实存在「共妻」的现象。

  俄国革命成功后的共产共妻

        深入研究布尔什维克革命史的史学家指出:在共产理论中,不仅财产公有,而且还写明了家庭必将消亡、一夫一妻制是私有制的产物。共产制度,就是要消灭建筑在私有制上的婚姻和家庭。因此,布尔什维克革命,不仅仅限于抢掠财产和屠杀,这个革命还要全面破坏人类道德价值的所有准则,俄国于十月革命时期践踏性道德的行为比比皆是,两性关系的基本规范荡然无存。社会性关系的混乱是布尔什维克造成的。

        布尔什维克在革命成功后,伴随着财产公有化的,还有性资源「公有化」,直译应为「社会化」,和俄文原文相对应的英文词,是socialization。

        革命者性的全面解放,其实有两方面:革命者倡导并且实践性革命:非革命者的性资源被强行「公有化」,即被强奸。一九九雩年第十期的俄国《祖国》杂志,对于俄共初期的共妻现象曾有全面的揭露。这本杂志指出,在布尔什维克所控制的地区,有「公有化」资产阶级妇女的行为,到处都有集体参与的强奸事件。在苏共和苏联的正式文件中,也许根本就找不到关于性资源「公有化」的文字,可布尔什维克有一个让性全面解放的立场,而性道德的沦丧,源于党的这个思想。

        女革命家克朗黛在她发表的小册子中写道:「出于工人阶级利益要求的性道德,是工人阶级社会斗争的工具,并为这个斗争服务」(克朗黛《家庭与共产主义国家》一九二零年)。社会主义的思想家们,只倡导和完全满足革命阶级的性需求,把恋爱当作小资产阶级的浪漫玩意儿,为无产阶级所排斥。

        性革命的典型表现是领袖们的私生活,如托洛茨基、布哈林、安东诺夫、克朗黛他们的私生活,像狗的交配一样随便。中、低层的革命者,在这方面也不甘落在他们领袖的后头,历史学家缅古诺夫说,普通革命者也有好多个情人,革命者随意地强奸没有护卫力量的妇女。

  革命将革命者强暴女性合法化

        一九一八年叁月叶卡捷琳娜堡公有化妇女的行为达到登峰造极的程度。当时的布尔什维克组织在苏维埃消息报上公布了一个命令,该命令也在大街上张贴:「十六至二十五岁的妇女必须接受公有化。革命者如果需要行使这个命令给予的权利,可向相应的革命机关说明。」

        这个城市布尔什维克组织的内政委员波罗斯登给予那些「公有化」女人的寻求者(即要求强奸妇女的革命者)签署许可证,当地其他布尔什维克的头头也发放这样的许可证。波罗斯登给他的一名助手一张这样的许可证,而该助手就凭此证「公有化」(强奸)了十个姑娘。以下是这类许可证之一:

        持有这分文件的卡马谢夫同志,有权在叶卡捷林琳娜堡公有化十个十六至二十岁的姑娘。卡马谢夫同志可任意挑选看中的姑娘,被选中者不得违抗。

  北高加索苏维埃共和国革命军总司令部(加盖公章)

       许可证签署人:总司令伊华谢夫

        按照该城党组织决定,红军士兵「公有化」了六十多个姑娘,她们全都年轻漂亮且大多数是资产阶级出身和在学女生。在城市公园一次围猎行动中好多姑娘被抓走,其中四个姑娘当场就被强奸,有二十五个被送往波罗斯登的司令部,另有一些被送往布尔什维克占据的旅店,悉数被强奸,无一幸免。

        有一些女孩后来被释放,如红色刑警队头头强奸了一个女孩,然后放了她。一些女孩在红军退却时被带走,从此下落不明。还有一些女孩命运很悲惨,她们被折磨后被杀害,尸体被扔进河里。一个五年级(小学)的女生连续十二个昼夜被红军轮奸,然后被绑在树上,用火折磨她,她最终被枪杀。

        当时的中学生卖淫现象十分严重,世界着名的社会学家沙乐金研究了这个问题。他在一九二零年写道:共青团在少年的卖淫事业中起了极大作用,在俱乐部招牌下,每个学校都设立了卖淫场所。对位于圣彼得堡附近沙皇村两所中学所作的调查发现,所有的孩子都有性病。

        少女参与色情商业交易,介入了有权势革命者的私生活。沙乐金强调说:我认识的一位大夫告诉我他的见闻。一个男生让这位大夫看病,把叁百卢布放在桌上作为其看病费用。大夫问哪来的钱,男生很平静地回答:

        每个男生都有自己的女孩,每个女孩又都另有情人,而这样的情人都是「委员」──当时人们对布尔什维克革命者的称呼。圣彼得堡一个「分配中心」(俄国内战争期间收容流离失所的孩子的机构)。安排体检后出现一个数据:百分之八十六点七的女孩已不是处女,她们都小于十六岁。

  二战后苏联才重新重视婚礼

        笔者还了解到,布尔什维克革命成功以后,取代旧王朝的苏维埃政权不要结婚的礼仪。克朗黛们在那个时候,如果不借政治的力量推广他们的性观念倒是不合情理。俄罗斯民族的传统婚宴要延续数天或一周,结婚是人生的一件大事。隆重的婚礼还有一个不可少的程式:新婚的次日晒床单,以展示新娘的贞洁,显然,婚礼是革命应当革去的东西。直到二次世界大战结束以后结婚仪式在苏联才重新被重视,家庭的价值才在一定程度上得到恢复。

        值得一提的是,当今的俄国私生活准则也不是很清楚。漂亮女郎经常抱怨很难有好工作,存在着好职业和上床相联系的问题。性骚扰到处都有,区别在于,俄国从来不处理性骚扰案。

        于是,有的漂亮姑娘宁愿选择地下色情业,同样上床,收入可不一样。权力可以和性的占有权画等号,也是「娼盛」的原因之一。人们不免会有这样的联想:私生活规范不明确以及权力几乎等于性特权的现象,除了社会失序这个导因之外,是不是和布尔什维克的老传统也有内在的联系?

摘自《开放》杂志二千年十一月号。

  作者:刘苏
内外六夷,敢称兵仗者斩
民主社会嘛,那不就是“黑心人地掌权,无耻的人发言,没脸没皮的人抛头露面”
皇汉、普世、满遗——中国网络三大害。
2005年6月的《欧洲神经学学报》(The European Journal of Neurology)上
June 28, 2004
Lenin Syphilis article--European Journal of Neurology June 2004
内外六夷,敢称兵仗者斩
民主社会嘛,那不就是“黑心人地掌权,无耻的人发言,没脸没皮的人抛头露面”
皇汉、普世、满遗——中国网络三大害。
天哪,这样的历史真相太污人耳目了
you jump, I jump^^
假的吧,现在还泼脏水
真的假的,要是真的俄共就太恶心人了
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